Abdullah Sajid
Abdullah Sajid
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The Generals of Pakistan – By Zaheer Ahmad Meer

A powerful account of Pakistan’s generals, their role in politics, leadership, and the nation’s journey from independence to power struggles.

The history of Pakistan can not be understood without studying the  part of its  service. Since the country’s  commencement in 1947, generals have been at the center of power,  impacting politics, governance, and foreign policy. Zaheer Ahmad Meer, in his work “ The Generals of Pakistan, ” provides a critical account of how Pakistan’s generals came not only  protectors of the borders but also autocrats of the state. This  metamorphosis of the army from a professional defense force into a political institution has shaped Pakistan’s  fortune for over seven decades.

 

 The book explores the personalities of  crucial generals, their rise to power, and the consequences of their  opinions. It also highlights how weak mercenary institutions, judicial  negotiations, and  transnational alignments allowed the  service to dominate Pakistan’s politics. To understand Pakistan  moment, one must readdress the  trip of its generals.

 

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 Partition and the Early Military Structure( 1947 – 1951)

 

 At independence, Pakistan inherited a fragile structure. It  entered only a small share of  coffers, including the fortified forces. The Pakistan Army began under British command, with General Sir Frank Messervy as the first Commander- in- Chief, followed by General Sir Douglas Gracey. These British officers laid the foundation of the institution but maintained  social traditions that gave the  service a sense of superiority over civilians.

 

 During this early period, Pakistan faced massive  exile  heads, violent collaborative  screams, and the first war over Kashmir( 1947 – 48). These challenges elevated the army’s  significance in state affairs. Muhammad Ali Jinnah,  still, was clear in his vision the  service was to remain inferior to mercenary authority. In his 1948 speech at Quetta Staff College, Jinnah reminded officers that policy  opinions belonged to civilians, not generals.

 

 Yet, after Jinnah’s death in September 1948 and the assassination of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan in 1951, mercenary leadership weakened dramatically. This vacuum came an opening for the  service to expand its influence.

 


 

 The Rise of General Ayub Khan( 1951 – 1958)

 

 The appointment of General Muhammad Ayub Khan as Pakistan’s first native Commander- in- Chief in 1951 marked a turning point. Ambitious and politically shrewd, Ayub  erected strong ties with the bureaucracy and foreign abettors , particularly the United States.

 

 Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case( 1951)

 

 Soon after Ayub’s appointment, Pakistan witnessed the  Rawalpindi Conspiracy , an  tried  achievement led by Major General Akbar Khan and supported by leftist  intellectualists, including  minstrel Faiz Ahmad Faiz. Although the conspiracy failed, it revealed how  snappily the army had come a political actor. Ayub Khan receded himself from the plot, securing his own credibility and paving the way for his eventual dominance.

 

 Bureaucracy- service Alliance

 

 Governor- General Ghulam Muhammad and  latterly Iskander Mirza leaned heavily on the army to maintain control. Mercenary politicians were seen as weak and  loose, and the bureaucracy  set up in the generals a  dependable  mate. This alliance set the stage for the 1958  achievement.

 

 Growing U.S. Influence

 

 During the Cold War, Pakistan aligned itself with Western blocs like  SEATO  and  CENTO ,  entering large  quantities of military aid. The U.S. preferred dealing with generals, considering them more  dependable than Pakistani politicians. This foreign backing strengthened Ayub Khan’s hand.

 


 

 The First Military Coup( 1958)

 

 On October 7, 1958, President Iskander Mirza  disannulled the 1956 Constitution and assessed Martial Law, appointing General Ayub Khan as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Within weeks,  still, Ayub deposed Mirza and assumed absolute control.

 

 This was the  first direct military  preemption  in Pakistan’s history. Ayub justified his  achievement by  condemning mercenary leaders for corruption, inefficiency, and insecurity. He promised order, discipline, and modernization. Though his  governance brought some  profitable reforms and artificial growth, it also  rooted the army in politics.

 

 Zaheer Ahmad Meer argues that Ayub’s  achievement created a dangerous precedent the normalization of military intervention. Every  unborn general justified their  preemption by pointing to Ayub’s model.

 


 

 The period of General Yahya Khan( 1969 – 1971)

 

 When Ayub Khan was forced to abdicate in 1969 due to mass  demurrers, power passed to General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan. His  term was marked by political  fermentation and the  1971 war with India .

 

 Political Mismanagement

 

 Yahya promised  choices, but his  incapability to manage the results of the 1970  choices where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League won a  maturity — led to the bifurcation of Pakistan. rather of transferring power peacefully, the  governance launched military operations in East Pakistan,  driving civil war.

 

 The Fall of Dhaka

 

 The 1971 war ended with the secession of East Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh. This was the army’s  topmost failure, exposing the  troubles of military rule. Yet, indeed after such a disaster, the army remained central in politics.

 


ATTENTION:    Zaheer Ahmad Meer’s “ The Generals of Pakistan ” is n't simply a chronicle of military autocrats; it's a glass reflecting the  sins of Pakistan’s republic and institutions. From Ayub Khan to Musharraf, generals entered politics claiming to save Pakistan

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 General Zia- ul- Haq and Islamization( 1977 – 1988)

 

 The alternate long  period of military rule came under  General Muhammad Zia- ul- Haq , who overthrew Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in July 1977.

 

 Martial Law and suppression

 

 Zia assessed martial law, executed Bhutto after a controversial trial, and ruled with an iron hand. His  period was marked by suppression,  repression of political parties, and mass apprehensions of opponents.

 

 Islamization Policy

 

 Zia introduced Sharia- grounded laws, including Hudood bills, which permanently changed Pakistan’s legal and social  geography. He sought  legality by presenting himself as a religious leader, not just a general.

 

 Afghan War and U.S. Alliance

 

 During the Soviet  irruption of Afghanistan( 1979), Zia aligned Pakistan with the United States,  entering billions in aid. The war boosted Pakistan’s strategic  significance but also  swamped the country with munitions and unreasonableness.

 

 Zaheer Ahmad Meer emphasizes that Zia’s  programs planted seeds of unreasonableness that continue to affect Pakistan  moment.

 


 

 General Pervez Musharraf and the War on Terror( 1999 – 2008)

 

 The third major military intervention came with General Pervez Musharraf’s  achievement in October 1999, ousting Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.

 

 Military Modernization and profitable Growth

 

 Musharraf introduced reforms in media, frugality, and technology. His  period saw  rapid-fire growth in telecommunication, banking, and civic  structure. Independent media channels flourished.

 

 Alliance with the U.S. after 9/11

 

 After the September 11, 2001 attacks, Musharraf aligned Pakistan with the U.S. “ War on Terror. ” While this brought  fiscal aid, it also dragged Pakistan into internal conflict with  revolutionist groups, leading to times of terrorism.

 

 Decline and Exit

 

 By 2007 – 08, Musharraf’s fashionability collapsed due to judicial  heads, political opposition, and rising instability. He  abnegated in 2008, handing power back to civilians.

 


 

 Civil-Military haul of War in After Times

 

 Indeed after Musharraf, the  service has remained  important behind the scenes. Generals have continued to  impact foreign policy, especially concerning India, Afghanistan, the U.S., and China. They've also shaped internal security  programs through operations against terrorism.

 

 Zaheer Ahmad Meer highlights that while mercenary governments have returned since 2008, the  service’s “ shadow influence ” ensures that Pakistan remains a  mongrel system, where real power is  frequently participated between  tagged leaders and generals.

 


 

 Themes in The Generals of Pakistan

 

 1.  Mercenary Weakness  The failure of political parties to govern effectively allowed generals to step  by.

 2.  Judicial legality  Courts  constantly validated accomplishments under the “ Doctrine of Necessity. ”

 3.  Foreign Patronage  The U.S. and other powers  frequently preferred dealing with generals for stability.

 4.  Military Self- Perception  Generals saw themselves as “  savers ” of the nation, above politicians.

 5.  Long- Term Impact  Military dominance weakened popular institutions, hindered stable governance, and contributed to repeated cycles of insecurity.

 


 

 Assignments for the unborn

 

 Strengthening Democracy  Unless political parties come disciplined, transparent, and effective, military intervention will continue.

 Civil-Military Balance  The army must return to its  indigenous  part of defending borders, not governing.

 Judicial Independence  Courts must uphold the constitution without justifying unconstitutional acts.

 National Unity  Only a united front of strong mercenary institutions and a professional army can fulfill Jinnah’s vision.

 


 

 Conclusion

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 Zaheer Ahmad Meer’s “ The Generals of Pakistan ” is n't simply a chronicle of military autocrats; it's a glass reflecting the  sins of Pakistan’s republic and institutions. From Ayub Khan to Musharraf, generals entered politics claiming to save Pakistan, but their  patrimonies remain controversial — some achievements overshadowed by  suppression, failures, and long- term damage.

 

 Pakistan’s survival and growth depend on breaking this cycle. The army must remain a professional defense institution, while civilians must rise to the challenge of honest, visionary governance. Only  also can Pakistan realize its full  eventuality as a strong, popular, and prosperous state.